What does Jorge Luis Borges have to do with Israel?
In 1969, the Argentine writer, a philosemite and a great admirer of the then-brand-new Middle Eastern country, visited Israel and gave lectures before packed halls. He would return two years later to continue getting to know the mystical Jerusalem up close.
Now, more than half a century later, Israel’s policy gives Borges one of the most perfect representations of his verse that has become commonplace: to the parties of the motley coalition that finally managed to form a government capable of ousting Prime Minister Benjamin. Netanyahu of power, “they are not united by love but by fear.”
In the case of the verse from the poem “Buenos Aires”, the meaning of those words is crystal clear and beautiful. But when it comes to explaining the union of politicians as different as Yair Lapid and Naftali Bennett, the explanation is much more earthy and complex.
Indeed, while the process of ratification of the governing coalition by the Knesset, the Israeli unicameral parliament, and the effective changing of the guard in power is expected to advance, many questions are emerging in the country about how the Bennett-Lapid cabinet.
These are some of the key points that, most likely, will cause friction within the “change bloc” that is preparing to occupy Netanyahu’s chair.
The Palestinian question
Bennett, leader of the Yamina party, which means “right” in Hebrew, is known for his tough positions on the issue of the West Bank, the territory conquered by Israel during the 1967 Six Day War.
To begin with, Bennett – who will start as prime minister in the rotation scheme with Lapid – is directly opposed to the creation of an independent Palestinian state, and favors the expansion of Jewish settlements in the area.
Yesh Atid (There is a Future), Lapid’s party, is instead in favor of resuming serious negotiations that include ceasing settlement construction in Judea and Samaria and ending, at some point, in the ideal of Israeli progressivism: ” two states for two peoples ”.
Economy
This is one of the main points made by Netanyahu’s defenders: why was such an effort carried out to overthrow a prime minister who did so much to consolidate the country’s economy and turn it into a global technological powerhouse? (Merits that few discuss in the country).
The question is difficult to answer and it is the one that most lays bare the weak logic behind the “change bloc.” Only anger at Netanyahu’s personalistic attitudes, his frivolous and arrogant episodes of corruption and his often unscrupulous political moves can explain that his economic achievements have not been enough to keep him in power.
Bennett, who was chief of staff and defense minister during different Netanyahu administrations, favors the reduction of state regulations on the economy and the role of private companies and the free market. But it is also against the pressure of monopolies, especially those in Israel that revolve around the Ministry of Defense and the arms and surveillance industry.
Lapid, who was also Minister of Netanyahu (Minister of Finance between March 2013 and December 2014), has his heart more to the left and promotes plans to improve the situation of the sectors less favored by the Israeli economic boom and of workers in general.
On his platform, Yesh Atid recalls for example that, “between the years 2002-2012, economic growth in Israel was 26.8%”, and that, “during that same decade, however, the real increase in the average salary of an Israeli citizen was just 2.1%. “
A recent report by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), of which Israel is a member, pointed out that the country’s inequality index stands at 34.8 points, well above the average 30.3 among members of the group.
This makes it clear that, while Netanyahu pushed the economic boom of very important sectors of the national economy that put the country on the map of the powerful in recent decades, large portions of the population were relegated and paid much attention to the predicament of Yesh Atid and Lapid.
The Bennett-Lapid coalition is expected to appoint Avigdor Lieberman, the leader of Israel Beiteinu, a center-right party whose electoral base is nourished by the thousands of immigrants who arrived in Israel from the former Soviet Union, as finance minister.
Liberman, The Jerusalem Post noted, “plans to invest heavily in infrastructure projects, cut red tape and regulation, and reach a long-term agreement to control the power” of the powerful workers’ central Histadrut.
In addition, Lieberman is known for his harsh criticism of the country’s ultra-religious sector, and one might expect him to push for rules to include him more in the workforce, away from Torah study, something that seems very difficult to achieve.
Religion and civil rights
Precisely, the relationship with the ultra-religious is another element that divides the coalition parties: Bennett is a practitioner and will be the first chief of staff to wear the kippah, the little ritual cap of the Jews, while Lapid is a typical liberal secular progressive.
Will Lapid confront the religious establishment that forces the country to observe Shabbat since there is no public transport or shops open every Saturday?
And what will happen to the Arab partner of the coalition, the Ra’am party? The leaders of this conservative Islamic formation have already announced that they will oppose any initiative in favor of Israel’s LGBT community promoted by the most left-wing party in the bloc, Meretz.
With all these doubts, gamblers in the country wonder how long this government based on the “horror block” will last.
